Mass Violence and Genocide by the Islamic Erdogan State in Turkey, Iraq and Syria. Turkish genocide against the Kurds and mass violence in the Middle East

The mass violence inflicted by the radical Islamist Barbaric Turks of the ‘Islamic Turkish Erdogan State on the Kurdish population of Turkey, Syria and Iraq is the latest of modern genocides.

Kurds are at risk for large-scale genocide by the regional powers of Iran, Iraq, Turkey, and Syria, all of which have sizable Kurdish minority populations. Currently the largest threat comes from Turkey.  On January 20, 2018 Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan launched cross-border military operations into northwestern Syria with the code name “Operation Olive Branch,” The mission aimed to oust Syrian Kurdish People’s Protection Units (or YPG) from the district of Afrin. Turkey considers the YPG to be an extension of the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK), which has been waging an insurgency within Turkey on and off since 1984 in the name of greater rights and regional autonomy. The YPG denies being an extension of the PKK and has been allied with the United States (among other countries) in the fight against the Islamic State/Da’esh since 2014.

The Turkish Armed Forces have conducted Operation Olive Branch with little apparent concern for the laws of war, dropping bombs and shelling towns indiscriminately. Hundreds of civilians around Afrin, including religious minorities displaced by the Syrian War and by Da’esh, have been killed. There is evidence that suggests that Turkish forces may have intentionally targeted civilians.

The Turkish government and media have characterized the YPG as a “terrorist organization,” casting its invasion of Syria as an anti-terror operation.

Armenian ,Assyrian, Chaldean and Syriac Christians

Christians in Turkey and Iraq are predominantly Armenian, Chaldean or Assyrian, and many trace their roots to the Assyrian and Mesopotamian Empires. The Assyrians are not strangers to persecution and mass violence, and have previously been the targets of genocide by the Ottoman Empire during World War I, Arabization by Saddam Hussein’s Ba’athist regime, One of the deadliest massacres against Christians in Iraq occurred in 2010, when Islamic State of Iraq militants raided Our Lady of Salvation Church in Baghdad, opening fire on almost 100 worshippers, killing fifty-eight. Since the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, the population of Christians has decreased from 1.5 million to, at most, 250,000 people.

After ISIS captured Mosul in June of 2014, Christians were given the option to either convert, pay taxes (jizya), leave, or be killed. ISIS marked Christian homes with the Arabic letter “N” to mean Nasrani, or Christian, which quickly became a global symbol of solidarity with persecuted Christians. A few months later, in August of 2014, ISIS took control of all Assyrian towns in the Nineveh Plains, resulting in a second wave of mass displacement.

Today, one of the biggest challenges facing Christians in Turkey,, Syria and Iraq is the question of return. While the Nineveh Plain has since been liberated from ISIS, many Christians are hesitant and fearful of returning, citing renewed tensions between various ethnoreligious groups.


Yazidis are an ethnoreligious group, who practice a religion with elements from Christianity, Islam, Zoroastrianism, and Judaism. Prior to 2014, they were primarily concentrated in the Sinjar region in northern Iraq, totaling approximately 600,000. The following events in Sinjar are considered part of a long history of oppression and genocide against the Yazidi people. The Yazidis believe this spate of violence to be the 74th ferman, or genocide against their people.

On August 3rd, 2014, IS forces advanced into the Sinjar region, and without warning, the Peshmerga forces (the military forces of Iraqi Kurdistan) withdrew, leaving the Yazidi population unprotected and defenseless. ISIS brutally attacked and occupied Sinjar. Almost 200,000 Yazidis fled towards Mount Sinjar, but quickly became besieged by ISIS. Stranded in the heat, hundreds of Yazidis died from dehydration, malnutrition, and suicide. Eventually, American, Iraqi, French, Australian, and British forces were able to drop humanitarian aid, while the Syrian Kurdish Forces (YPG) opened a corridor between Mount Sinjar and Syria, allowing people to escape. Meanwhile, ISIS abducted women and girls to sell into sex slavery, forced young boys into ISIS training camps, and executed men and elderly women.

Since the attack in August, at least 5,000 Yazidis have been killed. Many mass graves have been identified, and more are yet to be found. According to the Yazidi Rescue Office in the Kurdistan Regional Government, ISIS kidnapped 6,417 Yazidis, of which 3,451 have since been rescued, and 2,966 remain missing. Almost 2,745 children have become orphans. Hundreds of thousands of Yazidis remain displaced, and the possibility of return has proven difficult amidst continuing security threats. In addition, ISIS destroyed Yazidi cultural sites in Bahzani, Bashiqa, and Sinjar.

Yazidi members have cited justice, security and, reparations as first steps towards reconciliation and peacebuilding. Since the genocide, Yazidis have led efforts to document turkish crime of genocide, seeking legal justice at the international level. Additionally, returning to their ancestral homeland is a key priority, hindered by a lack of security, which is amplified by the fact that the Nineveh Plains is disputed territory between the Iraqi and Kurdish governments.

It has also referred to its aggression against its southern neighbor as “jihad,” echoing language used by ISIS and other extremist groups. The term “terrorist” is used in Turkey as a catch-all phrase to dehumanize opponents and legitimize the suppression of human rights and freedoms. Since the attempted coup of 2015, the Turkish government has dismissed thousands of civil servants and jailed hundreds of teachers, professors, journalists, politicians, human rights workers and other cultural leaders for being suspected supporters of “the opposition.” Many of these detainees have been charged with terrorism. The term “terrorist” has also been used to justify military-style violence against the Kurdish minority populations in the country’s South East, where the PKK presence is strong. The Afrin operation is not unlike “anti-terror” operations conducted in South East Turkey since 2015, where, in towns like Cizre, Turkish security forces have displaced much of the population, imposed harsh curfews (sometime lasting twenty-four hours a day for weeks and even months), cut off water and electricity supplies, killed dozens of civilians, destroyed cultural institutions (including mosques), desecrated cemeteries, and laid waste to homes by defecating on furniture and bedding, destroying cooking implements, and killing domestic and farm animals. Soldiers have also written racist slogans on buildings and have hung the Turkish flag from windows. In Cizre — as in Afrin — the bodies of killed female fighters have been mutilated, videotaped, and shared widely on social media. These life force atrocities are strongly suggestive of genocidal intent.

In Syria, the Turkish military and the forces under its leadership (which may include Da’esh fighters), declared total control of Afrin on March 25, 2018. They have been accused of pursuing a policy of “demographic change” in the Afrin district by settling villages with Turkmen and Arab families originally from outside of the area. The majority of Afrin’s population, an estimated 150,000 people, had already retreated from the town along with YPG fighters before the arrival of Turkish troops. Recent reports from inside occupied Afrin tell of dozens of girls and young women being kidnapped by Turkish and jihadi forces and subjected to systematic rape. There are also reports of the forced conversion of Yazidis. Erdoğan has vowed to continue further east to Manbij and Kobane in Syria as well as to the Sinjar and Nineveh regions of Iraq, ostensibly to destroy the PKK, which has bases in Iraq’s northern mountains. In the wake of a Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) referendum on independence in Northern Iraq in September 2017, which angered neighboring countries with significant Kurdish minority populations, and to which they responded with the harsh and coordinated economic isolation of the KRG, Turkey’s aggression into neighboring states threatens the long-term security and viability of all Kurdish populations in the region.

The violence has placed this little known but ancient community of the Middle East at the centre of international attention, triggering direct international intervention in the fight against ISIS. This article aims to study the motives of Turks in attacking the Kurds of Turkey, Syria and Iraq and in particular the Kurdish population. It will also study the contradictory narratives that emerged in the aftermath of the attack to use it to critically challenge the grand-narratives of the modern history of the Middle East. If one writes the history of the Middle East from the experience and the perspective of the Kurds Yazidis, it will be a radically different one than those found in our history books. Hence, its subversive potential

The Establishment and Regulation of Slavery by the Erdogans islamic turkish State that needs to interrogate us.

The turkish Barbatic State is an organization at the nexus of modern slavery and terrorism. This article provides the first in-depth analysis of how it regulated slavery. With a consideration of gendered approaches, it applies multiple data sources to reveal a three-part assessment of the forms, establishment, and regulation of slavery… it reveals the logistics of slavery through an innovative process entitled the Division and Regulation of Enslavement Framework. It concludes with a discussion on the domestic and international aspects of this crime, detailing recommendations for research and policy.